Why are comparable housing markets moving in opposite directions on rental policy?
Across Europe, governments facing similar housing pressures are making markedly different choices about how to regulate and tax private rental supply. Some are tightening fiscal treatment and strengthening regulatory controls. Others are recalibrating incentives to retain or attract private rental investment.
The divergence is no longer subtle. It is structural, and it is becoming impossible to ignore.
Property118 has spent more than a decade reporting on the commercial and regulatory realities shaping the UK private rented sector. Increasingly, the most revealing signals are not confined to Westminster. They are emerging across comparable economies wrestling with the same underlying question, how do you sustain rental supply under political pressure?
Why this matters to Property118 readers
Most UK debate is insular. It assumes that tighter rules and higher costs are simply the price of better standards, and that supply will adapt automatically.
Property118 does not accept that supply is automatic. Rental homes exist because individuals and institutions make commercial decisions over time. Policy changes alter risk, returns and confidence, and the supply response is often gradual rather than dramatic.
Property118 readers understand this instinctively because you experience it through refinancing constraints, compliance burdens, and the constant recalibration of risk. What is changing is that other countries are reaching different conclusions about how to keep supply functioning.
Ireland recalibrates
Ireland has faced acute rental shortages and rising political scrutiny over housing affordability. Like the UK, it introduced restrictions on the deductibility of finance costs for landlords. Unlike the UK, it later moved to reverse course.
Property118 reported on Ireland’s decision to recalibrate its approach to finance cost restrictions, signalling concern that the earlier framework risked discouraging supply.
Read: Ireland reversing finance cost restrictions for landlords
The most important question is not whether Ireland’s decision is “right policy”. It is why the political calculus shifted. What evidence convinced policymakers that recalibration was necessary? Which supply indicators were considered? Did landlord participation measurably change before and after reform?
This is where Property118 believes the UK debate is weakest. We talk about outcomes, rising rents, declining availability and affordability pressures, but we rarely investigate the decision drivers in real time.
Read: Joseph Rowntree Foundation report, PRS lessons from Ireland, landlords’ perspective
Portugal moves in a different direction
Portugal has taken a different approach again. Facing rental pressure in urban centres, it proposed a 10% tax regime designed explicitly to attract or retain private rental investment under defined conditions. This represents a conscious attempt to use fiscal policy as a supply lever.
Read: Portugal cuts rental tax to 10%, a warning shot for the UK?
Portugal’s housing market differs structurally from the UK and Ireland. Its legal framework, tenure patterns and ownership culture are not identical. Yet the underlying pressure is familiar, insufficient rental supply relative to demand.
The strategic difference lies in response. Portugal appears willing to deploy incentives. The UK, by contrast, has tightened fiscal treatment and expanded regulatory expectations.
The UK trajectory and the Section 24 fault line
The UK has implemented a series of tax and regulatory reforms affecting private landlords, including the restriction of mortgage interest relief. The stated objectives have included fairness, fiscal alignment and improved standards.
Property118 has covered Section 24 in depth, including the long-term commercial and behavioural consequences that flow from changing the treatment of finance costs.
Read: Section 24 comprehensive report
Read: Section 24 tax reforms
The core question is not whether reform was justified. It is whether supply impact was fully modelled, whether consequences were anticipated, and whether measurable outcomes align with policy intent.
When comparable countries facing similar housing strain reach different conclusions about how to treat private rental investment, that divergence deserves structured scrutiny. Property118 intends to push this conversation beyond assumption and into evidence.
A pattern of policy U-turns abroad
Property118 has previously reported on policy reversals overseas and the warnings those reversals should raise for the UK. In several jurisdictions, policy tightened, participation weakened, and governments later faced pressure to recalibrate.
Read: anti-landlord policy U-turns abroad spark warnings for the UK
This is not about praising one country and criticising another. It is about recognising that housing policy has consequences, and those consequences often arrive before official statistics catch up.
Property118 readers do not need persuading that incentives and constraints change behaviour. The investigation is about identifying which political and fiscal drivers lead to divergence, and whether the supply response is measurable.
From Property118 commentary to structured investigation
Property118 has historically focused on UK developments and, where relevant, highlighted international contrasts. The emerging pattern of divergence now warrants deeper examination.
Accordingly, Property118 is exploring a cross-border investigative framework focused on:
- Comparative fiscal treatment of private rental income and finance costs
- Regulatory tightening versus incentive recalibration
- Measurable landlord participation trends and supply intentions
- Refinancing conditions and credit availability as a supply constraint
- Political drivers influencing policy direction and narrative framing
- Supply outcomes over time, not just short-term headlines
This is not about advocating one model over another. It is about understanding why divergence exists and whether outcomes differ in ways that inform future debate.
For Property118, the aim is straightforward. Better explanation, better evidence, and better journalism that can be stress-tested across jurisdictions rather than argued in a domestic echo chamber.
An invitation to collaborate with Property118
The private rented sector is shaped by decisions made by landlords, lenders, investors and policymakers. Those decisions do not stop at borders, and neither should serious housing journalism.
Property118 is therefore inviting journalists, researchers and policy analysts working in Ireland, Portugal and other European jurisdictions to connect with us if you are examining similar supply questions. Cross-border collaboration can illuminate patterns that national reporting alone cannot fully capture.
Property118 will continue reporting on domestic developments. Property118 will also increasingly look outward, because divergence across comparable markets is telling us something the UK debate is currently missing.
The divergence is real. The outcomes may shape housing policy for years to come. Property118 intends to investigate it properly.
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Member Since May 2018 - Comments: 1999
11:52 AM, 4th March 2026, About 1 month ago
The Office of Budget Responsibility has just said that Rachel Reeves’ housing targets are completely unrealistic.
https://www.homebuilding.co.uk/self-build/obr-delivers-hammer-blow-to-governments-housing-targets-as-rachel-reeves-spring-statement-offers-no-solutions
It isn’t just a question of why different housing markets such as Ireland and Portugal are moving in different directions to GB. It’s also a question of why Rachel Reeves cannot apparently see that a U-turn on a housing policy introduced by George Osborne under the conservatives preventing landlords from being able to offset their finance costs would be politically expedient; especially so when the UK’s continental neighbours now realise that they need to be spending 5% of GDP on defence and the UK is not planning to be anywhere near that.
Ireland spends less than 0.5% of GDP on defence, less than a tenth of what its continental partners in the European Union think they now need to spend on defence, and even though Ireland is a defence-spending-miser it has still realised that it cannot afford to penalise investment in housing.
The UK is struggling to afford to spend what it needs to spend on defence, and that’s even before anybody considers what it needs to spend on energy, in a world in which Donal Trump has just attacked Iran and stopped the movement of a large percentage of the world’s readily available oil and gas sending oil and gas prices rocketing.
And so, why can the present government apparently not see that continuing to penalise investment in housing by preventing landlords from being able to offset their finance costs against rents is just not sustainable. Ireland has not been known for ‘fiscal responsibility’ over the past two decades and Portugal probably only spends 2% of GDP on defence. So why can the government apparently not see that penalising investment in housing is just not sustainable, reasonable, or even in the public interest?
Member Since May 2017 - Comments: 763
9:51 AM, 8th March 2026, About 1 month ago
Section 24 is hugely anti landlord, but for me its all the special taxes just for landlords, the continual spiteful anti landlord rhetoric, endless regulation and over the top penalties are the reasons I dont want any more to do with letting property. In crude terms, they can shove it up their …
Member Since October 2020 - Comments: 1147
10:12 AM, 9th March 2026, About 1 month ago
Housing is a political football. Governments are constantly tinkering with it to curry favour with the electorate. They usually over-correct and a later Government then does the same in the opposite direction. Hence at any one time neighbouring countries may be moving in opposite directions. In yhe case of the RRA, I believe the over-correction is so big that it risks a huge increase in homelessness and potentially public disorder and could finish off this Government. Sadly the only party expressing a willingness to tackle this seems to be Reform, so Labour seem to be cueing them up to form the next Government.
Member Since May 2018 - Comments: 1999
11:15 AM, 9th March 2026, About 1 month ago
Reply to the comment left by DPT at 09/03/2026 – 10:12
As it was George Osborne under a conservative government who introduced the policy stopping landlords from offsetting their finance costs against rents, I’m not sure that this is really a case of any “over-correction”. A small business can offset its finance cots against revenues, a limited company holding property can offset its finance costs against revenues: This is something that just hasn’t been corrected. I’ve no idea what Reform’s policy is on this and therefore no idea whether they intend to correct it.
Member Since January 2011 - Comments: 12196 - Articles: 1396
11:47 AM, 9th March 2026, About 1 month ago
Reply to the comment left by Beaver at 09/03/2026 – 11:15
Reform UK publicly announced they would also repeal Section 24 some time ago
Member Since May 2018 - Comments: 1999
2:53 PM, 9th March 2026, About 1 month ago
Reply to the comment left by Mark Alexander – Founder of Property118 at 09/03/2026 – 11:47
Well who knows then. This labour government has performed a U-turn on many of its policies so you would have thought that performing a U-turn on a policy that wasn’t even theirs ought to be within the capabilities of this government, even though so far it has proven itself to be not very capable.
Given how keen the government has been to stop Reform (and in reality every time that they come out with statements on stopping Reform all that they are doing is promoting Reform) you would think that somebody in government would have the wit to understand that penalising investment in housing doesn’t solve a housing crisis. And if they are still continuing to penalise investment in housing whilst simultaneously claiming to build 1.5 million new homes, it then it is either because they don’t have the courage or foresight to recognise the fallacy that section 24 does nothing useful or because either they, or the people funding the labour party, are ideologically committed to the policy even though it has the effect of penalising many of the people at the lower end of the socio-economic scale.