8:00 AM, 1st December 2025, About A week ago 11
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Section 24 left a scar on the private rented sector that has never fully healed. It arrived fast. It arrived without consultation. It arrived in a way that many landlords still describe as a betrayal. The shock changed the psychology of investment for a generation.
The result is predictable. Every time a tax announcement surfaces, landlords ask the same question.
Will they come for limited companies next?
This fear is understandable. It is also one of the most persistent sources of anxiety in the landlord community. The potential consequences would be enormous. The question deserves a full and unfiltered examination rather than quick reassurance or empty speculation.
This article takes a forensic look at the issue. It addresses the political logic, the legislative barriers, the structural differences between individuals and companies, the role of Housing Associations, the involvement of pension funds, the importance of REITs and the reason Treasury would face a political and economic backlash far beyond anything seen in 2015.
The aim is not to dismiss landlord concerns. The aim is to evaluate the genuine risk with clarity rather than emotion.
Section 24 was a political intervention. It was not a rational tax reform. It was introduced during a period when the Government wanted to tilt the housing market towards first time buyers and away from private landlords. The measure was framed as a correction to an imbalance. It targeted one very specific group of taxpayers. It changed the economics of borrowing almost overnight.
It was politically cheap to introduce. It was technically easy to legislate. It required small amendments to income tax law. It did not require consultation with institutions, pension funds or regulated housing bodies. The public narrative at the time portrayed private landlords as part of the affordability problem. The measure was politically popular in mainstream discussion.
It is no surprise that landlords remain afraid the same might happen again.
Fear based on memory is powerful. Fear based on policy evidence needs closer examination.
Section 24 sits entirely within personal income tax. The targeting was deliberate. Individuals are taxed under ITTOIA 2005. Companies are taxed under the Corporation Tax Act 2009. These are separate systems with separate rules. Section 24 alters the way individual profits are calculated. It has no interaction with the corporate tax framework.
Companies were not given a privilege. They were simply governed by a different set of rules.
Many landlords argue that Section 24 itself created a structural inconsistency. They argue that if Government was willing to break long established norms once, it could break them again. They argue that fairness has never been the guiding principle. They argue that nothing is safe.
This argument must be taken seriously. Dismissing it would undermine the purpose of this article. The fear is logical on a psychological level. It is not supported on a structural level.
The correct way to address this is to examine the difference between political interventions and structural tax reform.
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A structural reform cannot target only individuals.
Section 24 targeted individuals because this was politically straightforward and technically simple. Income tax rules can be tightened or adjusted with very little risk to the wider economy.
Corporate tax structures cannot be changed in the same way. The corporation tax system supports:
• Housing Associations
• REITs
• pension funds
• institutional investors
• commercial landlords
• Build to Rent operators
• infrastructure providers
• major financial institutions
Targeting companies is an entirely different category of policy action.
Housing Associations rely heavily on finance cost deductibility. Their funding models, their viability assessments and their covenant compliance all incorporate interest deductibility as a core assumption.
If Government restricted finance cost deductions for companies, Housing Associations would face:
• higher reported taxable profits
• reduced surpluses
• worsened covenant positions
• higher financing costs
• increased rent pressure
• reduced development capacity
• impaired credit ratings
No Government seeking to increase housing supply can afford to destabilise Housing Associations. They deliver a large proportion of affordable housing. They partner with Government. They depend on the stability of corporate tax treatment.
Section 24 for companies would hit them directly.
Real Estate Investment Trusts are part of pension fund investment portfolios. They rely on predictable corporate tax treatment. Restricting their finance deductions would:
• damage pension fund performance
• destabilise listed property markets
• reduce investment in UK housing
• damage capital flows
• undermine Build to Rent pipelines
• weaken UK competitiveness
Treasury is acutely aware of the consequences of destabilising institutional investment.
A policy that hits both Housing Associations and REITs is not politically survivable.
The simple answer is that this is theoretically possible but practically unworkable.
To target only “small landlord companies,” Government would need to:
• split the corporation tax system
• define a new class of “residential landlord companies”
• create exemptions for Housing Associations
• create exemptions for REITs
• create exemptions for commercial property
• draft anti-avoidance rules
• block group structuring loopholes
• manage legal challenges
• defend two parallel tax systems
• justify why certain corporate landlords keep deductibility while others lose it
Section 24 required a few tweaks to income tax law.
A corporate version would require the largest rewrite of property taxation in decades.
The complexity is enormous. The political risks are high. The economic risks are higher.
Section 24 traumatised landlords. It arrived fast. It arrived without warning. It arrived with a narrative that framed landlords as part of the problem.
Many landlords now believe that any negative outcome is possible because one negative outcome already happened. The fear is understandable. It is not evidence-based.
To assess risk accurately, published policy signals must be examined rather than emotions.
Property118 reviews:
• each annual Budget
• the Overview of Tax Legislation and Rates
• HMRC technical notes
• consultations
• policy costings
• impact assessments
Across all these documents, there has never been:
• a proposal to restrict finance deductibility for companies
• a consultation exploring the idea
• a technical note modelling the impact
• a Treasury briefing hinting at alignment with Section 24
• a single reference to a corporate version of the measure
The risk is not supported by evidence. It is supported only by memory.
The UK now depends on:
• Build to Rent for housing delivery
• REITs for institutional investment
• Housing Associations for affordable homes
• pension funds for development capital
• inward investment to stabilise the market
Destabilising landlord companies would destabilise the entire housing system.
Individuals were politically easy to target in 2015. Companies are not.
The real pressure points for strategy are:
• the 2027 income tax rise
• Section 24’s continuing impact
• refinancing and interest rate risk
• EPC reforms returning
• higher maintenance standards
• licensing expansion
• deleveraging strategy
• incorporation planning
• inheritance planning and Family Investment Companies
These factors will shape outcomes far more than speculative fears about an unsupported policy direction.
Section 24 for individuals was politically easy.
Section 24 for companies would be structurally impossible without rewriting the corporation tax system.
Section 24 for companies is not a live policy idea.
It is a fear created by memory, not supported by evidence.
Landlords should focus on the real strategic decisions that will shape their future, rather than the shadows cast by the past.
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Landlords face lengthy court delays ahead of Section 21 abolition
Sheridan Vickers
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Member Since February 2023 - Comments: 77
10:33 AM, 1st December 2025, About A week ago
I suppose this government won’t be satisfied until it’s broken everything good in this country including its people.
homemaker
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Member Since August 2019 - Comments: 58
10:44 AM, 1st December 2025, About A week ago
In simple terms I bought my first buy to let as an investment as did many other landlords. It was hands off and managed by an agent with no revenue income but the possibility of capital growth. I believe that George Osbourne at the time could see no reason to give tax relief on pure investments. 25 years later I run my portfolio as a business with all that entails. Personally I can see no argument to apply a section 24 clause to businesses even if they are non trading. However, is it beyond the realms of possibility that the 20% tax credit for unincorporated landlords is phased out over time?
Richard Dean
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Member Since June 2018 - Comments: 13
12:41 PM, 1st December 2025, About A week ago
I agree with homemaker that a phasing out of the 20% (now 22%) tax credit for unincorporated landlords is more likely than applying Section 24 to companies. Is there any update on property118’s legal challenge to revised HMRC rules that block the efficient transfer of property to a limited company?
Ian Narbeth
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Member Since July 2013 - Comments: 1953 - Articles: 21
12:52 PM, 1st December 2025, About A week ago
Thanks Mark for a good analysis.
I was afraid that the 2025 Budget might extend s24 so that individual landlords could recover none of their financing costs. It would be a thoroughly vindictive thing to do but in line with Socialist thinking and values.
Fortunately, that did not happen but private landlords must always think: “How will they attack us next?” The 2% additional tax breaks Labour’s pledge unless no PRS landlord and no investor in receipt of dividends is a “working person”.
Golfman
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Member Since July 2020 - Comments: 28
13:15 PM, 1st December 2025, About A week ago
Respectfully disagree Mark.
It’s very simple to catch most property investors as follows: by bringing within the remit a s24 for ‘property rich’ companies (a concept already defined for CGT) which are also ‘close’ companies. This would capture almost all such companies we talk of.
There would be minimal collateral damage. So I don’t really agree with your view that this would be difficult to impose at all. in fact TOTALLY easy. And almost incontestable under the guise of…well take your pick!
Given this governments destructive tendencies- I certainly would not rule this out.
Stech Te
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Member Since February 2023 - Comments: 21
14:55 PM, 1st December 2025, About A week ago
Housing market has become a lottery investment. Lot of them gets benefit, lot of them loose. The problem is so many moving to Limited company assuming they will pay less tax after paying 5% surcharge. If government changes approach they will all be double taxed. Government should always apply unique tax across everywhere if they put lots of if and but, so many get impacted. And so many dodge them. Later government find a way to tax more saying that you avoided through tax avoidance. Limited company landlords are no different than ir35.
PAUL BARTLETT
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Member Since May 2023 - Comments: 186
18:39 PM, 1st December 2025, About A week ago
Reply to the comment left by Stech Te at 01/12/2025 – 14:55
Ltd Co landlords are hugely different to IR35 contractors in the level of risk they are taking. Capital risk, Property risk, Tenant risk, Licensing risk etc..
PS IR35 is easily avoided with a Statement of Work listing project deliverable responsibility.
PAUL BARTLETT
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Member Since May 2023 - Comments: 186
18:44 PM, 1st December 2025, About A week ago
Reply to the comment left by Ian Narbeth at 01/12/2025 – 12:52
Epic cognitive dissonance from politicians who allege that we do no work whilst directly loading on new legal and regulatory action for us to ‘not work’ on. Should we have the temerity to actually not work on them the penalties are both arbitrary and disproportionate.
G Master
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Member Since September 2022 - Comments: 42
4:40 AM, 2nd December 2025, About A week ago
I wish some wise men kept their trap shut and leave this sector in peace.
Its commen̈ts and prompts like this that eager politicians who have nothing better to propose jump to and damage it.
Why even suggest Section 24 for companies? Why?
Simon Misiewicz FCCA, ATT, SWW, MBA
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Member Since September 2015 - Comments: 12 - Articles: 4
17:06 PM, 3rd December 2025, About 6 days ago
The UK has spent years aligning itself with international norms on corporate profit calculation, thin capitalisation rules, and anti-avoidance measures such as the Corporate Interest Restriction. A sudden UK-only carve-out that penalises property-rich close companies would immediately raise compatibility questions with BEPS principles, treaty standards, and the UK’s own competitive positioning. Treasury Every modern tax change that touches companies goes through layers of consultation, scoping, impact analysis, and private briefings to industry bodies.
There is always “smoke before fire”. With Section 24 for companies, there has been none, not a hint in fiscal costings, not a line in technical notes, not a single steer in pre-Budget submissions. For a reform of this magnitude to appear without warning would require an unprecedented break with the way the UK currently develops corporate tax legislation. They do not have the appetite to defend a measure that could place the UK out of sync with global corporate tax orthodoxy.