2 months ago
In a recent interview, Shelter’s new chief executive suggested the organisation is ready to work more closely with private landlords to address the housing crisis. LINK
She said the housing sector would need to “work as a collective” if the system is to improve and homelessness is to be reduced.
That is a statement many landlords will welcome, albeit with caution and a healthy dose of scepticism.
For several years now, the relationship between the private rented sector and housing campaign organisations has often felt adversarial. Landlords have frequently been portrayed as part of the problem rather than part of the solution, so if Shelter now truly wishes to engage constructively with landlords, that is an encouraging development. However, constructive dialogue requires something more than good intentions. It requires clarity about evidence, policy and outcomes.
That is why, following the discussion beneath a recent Property118 article examining the economics of rent control, I would like to put several questions to Shelter Scotland.
These questions are offered in the spirit of genuine inquiry.
Scotland is often cited as one of the most ambitious rent regulation environments in the United Kingdom. In recent years the Scottish Government has introduced rent caps and emergency restrictions on rent increases, with proposals for permanent rent control zones now under discussion. Many of these measures have been strongly supported by housing campaign groups, including Shelter Scotland.
Supporters argue that such policies are necessary to protect tenants from rapidly rising rents and to stabilise the housing market.
Critics, however, argue that rent controls risk discouraging investment in rental housing, ultimately reducing supply.
This is not a theoretical debate; Scotland now provides a real-world policy experiment that can be examined using actual data.
The fundamental question is straightforward; have the policies that Shelter Scotland has supported improved the availability and affordability of housing, or have they had unintended consequences for housing supply?
If rent controls successfully stabilise the housing system, we should expect to see clear evidence in the form of improved housing outcomes.
If they discourage investment and reduce supply, that should also be visible in the data.
Either way, the evidence matters.
In the spirit of constructive dialogue, I would therefore like to ask Shelter Scotland the following questions.
1. What empirical evidence does Shelter Scotland rely on to support rent control policies?
In particular, what evidence suggests rent controls increase housing supply or long-term affordability?
2. How does Shelter Scotland interpret the Scottish experience since rent caps were introduced?
Have investment levels in the private rented sector increased, decreased, or remained stable during this period?
3. What role does Shelter Scotland believe private landlords should play in addressing housing shortages?
If the private rented sector is to be part of the solution, how should policy encourage investment rather than discourage it?
4. Does Shelter Scotland believe rent controls can operate without affecting housing supply?
If so, what evidence supports that view?
5. Would Shelter Scotland support policies designed specifically to encourage landlords to increase housing supply?
Examples might include incentives for renovation of empty homes, conversions or new rental development.
This approach to housing policy debate is not new on Property118. Several years ago, David Knox FCA, writing under the pseudonym Appalled Landlord, examined official housing statistics and local authority spending patterns to explore how policy decisions were affecting housing supply. His articles were not polemics. They were careful examinations of publicly available data and the trajectories those figures suggested. The questions raised in this letter follow the same principle: if policies are introduced to improve housing outcomes, it is reasonable to ask what the evidence now shows.
There is one point on which landlords, housing charities and policymakers should all be able to agree; Britain needs more homes.
The housing shortage affects tenants, landlords, councils and taxpayers alike.
If Shelter’s leadership genuinely wishes to work with the private rented sector, many landlords would welcome that conversation. but for it to be productive, the discussion must begin with a clear examination of the evidence.
Housing policy should be guided by what works in practice, not simply by what sounds appealing in theory.
This article is offered as an open invitation for Shelter Scotland to respond.
If the organisation wishes to clarify its position, explain the evidence behind its policy recommendations or address the questions raised above, Property118 would be pleased to publish that response in full.
Constructive debate, after all, is far more valuable than silence.
Since publication, Gordon MacRae of Shelter Scotland has joined the discussion in the comments below.
That contribution is welcome and has helped clarify how Shelter Scotland distinguishes between “rent control” in the narrow sense and wider forms of rent regulation.
As a result, the discussion has moved onto the evidence itself, which is exactly where it should be.
Every day, landlords who want to influence policy and share real-world experience add their voice here. Your perspective helps keep the debate balanced.
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4:42 PM, 19th March 2026, About 1 month ago
Reply to the comment left by PAUL BARTLETT at 19/03/2026 – 15:49
Paul, I think that’s a fair challenge, and probably one of the most important points in this whole debate.
There is a tendency, on all sides, to argue from ideology rather than evidence. Policies are often introduced with good intentions, but without any meaningful attempt to model how landlords, lenders and tenants will actually respond in practice.
That is exactly the gap we are now trying to address.
One of the reasons we have launched the Property118 Housing Research Panel is to begin building a dataset that tracks real-world behaviour, not just theory. If we can measure confidence, refinancing intentions and supply decisions consistently over time, we move the conversation away from opinion and towards something far more grounded.
Your suggestion about running proper simulations is interesting. In reality, the closest we can get is observing how policy changes influence behaviour across a sufficiently large and consistent sample. That is where this kind of panel becomes valuable.
If nothing else, it should help ensure that future debates are informed by what landlords are actually doing, rather than what different groups assume they are doing.