11 months ago | 7 comments
The only people to benefit from the Renters’ Rights Bill will be councils, claims a legal expert.
In an exclusive video interview with Property118, legal expert Des Taylor from Landlord Licensing & Defence warns landlords of the consequences of the new rules and regulations, and why it may be time for some landlords to leave the market.
Des also warns of the horror stories of council enforcement against landlords, where one landlord faced an overwhelming legal battle with the council.
Des explains the Renters’ Rights Bill aims to roll all existing legislation into one piece, making it easier for councils to enforce rules.
Des tells Property118: “In the last ten years, there have been 540 new pieces of legislation and regulations brought into the system, which equates to more than one a week.
“The Renters’ Rights Bill consolidates that existing legislation, rolling it all into one to make enforcement simpler.
“At the end of the day, everything that is happening in the Renters’ Rights Bill appears to benefit one particular type of organisation: councils.
“Be it more money from fines or enforcement, whether that’s because housing lists are going to stop growing because of the abolition of Section 21, it all appears to work in their favour.”
Des warns that the private rented sector will become more professionalised under the Renters’ Rights Bill, and landlords need to be prepared to adapt.
He adds: “Lots of people need to understand that, going forward, the system is going to be more professional, with more barriers to entry, and you’ve got to learn how it works.”
Des explains the reason councils issue fines is simple: “It’s to make people understand that they can’t do this, and it’s a deterrent.”
He says councils are fining landlords because they can, and because it’s far easier than taking them to court.
“It’s like a drug,” Des says. “The more they enforce, the more money they get, and they use that money for more enforcement.”
Des explains fines are supposed to be ringfenced and councils must use that money for enforcement, not anything else. However, rumours abound that council accountants are very good at hiding the diversion of funds to other council budgets.
However, Des says council fines against landlords are not working as they should.
He explains: “What I see is, are the really bad landlords getting caught? I don’t think so, and not on a regular basis.
“But if you don’t have a licence and you’re in a London borough, you’re looking at a fine that could be between £3,000 and £17,000. And if you’ve got a big portfolio, it could be as much as £20,000.”
Des also warns that fines can have a big impact.
He says: “If you’re taking money out of the pocket of a landlord that needs to be invested into the property, that’s going to be detrimental.
“Do the fines have to take into account the financial status and financial situation of the landlord? In theory, yes, they do. But does every landlord supply their information for that to happen? No.”
He adds: “In the future, we’ll see these fines increase to £40,000, and there’ll be a whole bunch of offences, ones that currently would go through the Magistrates’ Court, that will come under the Renters’ Rights Bill. That will make it easier for councils to issue fines, and they get to keep the money.”
Des says he’s dealt with thousands of cases where councils fail to follow their own procedures.
He explains: “What councils do very well is, they don’t follow their own policy. The law says they have to, but they don’t.”
One of the most common issues Des sees is councils inflating fines beyond what their own guidelines allow.
He says: “If a fine should be £12,000, they might over-assess it based on things like harm and culpability and push it up to £22,000.”
In one case Des dealt with, a landlord was fined £12,000 for not having a valid Electrical Installation Condition Report (EICR), a certificate that confirms the safety of a property’s electrical installation after it has been inspected and tested by a qualified electrician.
But when Des reviewed the council’s own policy on how the fine should be calculated, it told a different story.
He explains: “When I followed the council’s policy and saw what they were supposed to do, with mitigation plus all the bits and pieces, this fine, if properly calculated, should have been £3,000 and at the most £5,000.”
Des explains that he had experience in the legal field and had worked in the corporate world before realising this was the right fit, as he was already helping people with property-related issues.
He says: “It all started with legislation changes in 2015. We saw the promotion of rent-to-rent and HMOs, and then the Housing and Planning Act 2016 was coming into law as well.
“We realised we were already helping people who were having problems and facing enforcement over small issues, but the Housing and Planning Act introduced financial penalties of up to £30,000. We saw that more fines and stronger enforcement were coming, along with rent repayment orders.
“My business partner, Phil Turtle, and I decided it was important to formalise how we defend people and to help guide and train them through the process.”
Since then, Landlord Licensing & Defence has gone on to help thousands of landlords and letting agents avoid enforcement action or defend them against excessively heavy financial penalties.
Des explains: “A lot of people still don’t realise this is a very specialist area of law. Your usual eviction company, or a standard landlord and tenant solicitor, this isn’t typically what they deal with and they rarely get it right.”
Des says one of the worst cases of council excess he’s dealt with involved a landlord and letting agent who let a property to a couple.
After a breakup, one tenant left, and the remaining tenant descended into mental health and addiction issues. The landlord and agent couldn’t access the property, even to carry out a Gas Safety certificate.
Des explains: “The property was being used as a place for criminal activities and the letting agent and landlord could not get access to the property because they needed to do the Gas Safety certificate.
“They could see there was something wrong with the property, so they repeatedly asked the tenant for access. In the end, they went to the council and said they couldn’t get in.”
However, Des explains the council’s job is NOT to enforce Gas Safety certificates as it belongs to the Health and Safety Executive.
He says: “However, although the landlord and letting agent went to the council for help and said they can’t get access, and because the property was licensed and the mandatory licence conditions say you have to get a Gas Safety certificate annually, rather than help the landlord, the council stepped in to issue fines!
“The Health and Safety Executive don’t enforce this, but the council is able to enforce it through licensing and the council eventually got access for the landlord and letting agent. Helping, you might think but this was not the case”
Des continues when a member of the council accompanied them to the property, the property was in complete disrepair.
He says: “The gentleman who was living at the property had smashed the house up with holes in the wall, bashed up door hinges the place was in complete disrepair.
“One of the licence conditions is to keep the property in good repair at all times. It’s pretty hard to do that, especially if the landlord and letting agent couldn’t get access.”
After finally gaining access to the property, the landlord did everything possible to put things right.
Des explains: “The landlord had paid for everything to be done up and sorted and took pictures as evidence, however the council came again, and the tenant had smashed it up again.
“The tenant even wrote statements saying he had done this, the landlord and letting agent are not responsible.
In the end, the agent worked with the council to secure a closure order and shut the property down, but Des says this is where things started to go wrong.
He explains: “The council then used the closure order to justify massive financial penalties against the landlord and letting agent.
“Even though they’d made no money from the property for years, and the agent’s monthly fee was just £47.16 pence”
The landlords appealed to the Tribunal, but the paperwork showed the council had twisted the facts, even though the landlord had tried to put everything right and the tenant admitted to the damage.
Des explains that at this point, the landlord simply gave up.
He says: “The mental toll was awful. Even though we helped cut the fines down, the legal costs would’ve been four times higher than the fine just to prove the council wrong.”
Des believes civil penalties deny landlords the right to a fair trial.
He explains: “This is one of those situations where, if the council had prosecuted through the Magistrates’ Court, the landlord and agent could have pleaded not guilty and been tried by their peers. Any jury would have seen the full context and said, ‘No one deserves this.’
“But that’s what civil penalties are doing, removing the right to be tried fairly. Even with a motoring offence, you have the right to go to court. That right goes all the way back to the Magna Carta over 800 years ago. Yet in property, it’s being quietly taken away. You can’t ask to go to court, only the council can choose whether to issue a civil penalty or take the landlord to court, and most councils choose civil penalties because they get to keep the money.”
He adds: “The biggest issue I see is that a lot of people talking about enforcement have never actually dealt with it. I deal with it every day. I see the arrogance, the patterns, the training courses, and quite frankly, it’s a horror story most of the time.”
Des explains that when it comes to selective licensing, councils aren’t technically abusing their power: “Because you can’t abuse something you’ve been given the right to do.”
Des points to legislation introduced by the government just before Christmas last year, which means all councils can now introduce selective licensing schemes of any size without needing approval from the Secretary of State.
Des says: “This is really important. If you look at places like Liverpool, they went for a city-wide licensing scheme and the Secretary of State said no, you can’t have it a second time.”
In 2020, the government rejected Liverpool City Council’s plans to renew a city-wide selective licensing scheme for private rented homes. The council did introduce a new licensing scheme in 2022, but it only covers 16 wards in Liverpool, not the whole area. However, the council are still demanding compliance.
Des explains: “We defended a case involving a rent repayment order where the council had written to properties saying they needed a licence, when they didn’t – because the licensing scheme didn’t cover that area.
Yet the landlord still had to defend against a vexatious tenant who wanted to pursue it anyway, just because they’d received a letter – even though the letter was wrong.”
Des explains he hasn’t seen any selective licensing schemes work across the country and cause unintended consequences.
He says: “I don’t think councils realise the consequences of licensing schemes. Many of the people making the decisions for these schemes are delusional about how life really works.”
Des points to Leeds City Council as an example, which is now proposing more selective licensing schemes, particularly in boroughs with poorer tenants.
He explains: “Who is this selective licensing scheme really going to benefit apart from the council? It’s going to generate more revenue for them, it’s going to impose more costs on landlords, and if costs go up, rents will go up.
“As someone rightly pointed out during a council meeting, you’re putting the burden directly onto the poorest people in your area and justifying it through licensing.”
Des explains that councils already have extensive powers to gather information on tenants and landlords.
Des explains: “There are lots of things a council can do where they don’t have to comply with data protection in the way you might think. If a council suspects a crime in a property, like not having a licence, they can carry out credit checks on all the people in the property without anyone’s permission. That way, they can gather evidence landlords wouldn’t even think of.”
Under the Renters’ Rights Bill, all landlords will be required to register with the landlord database.
Des says in practice, the landlord database should be a good thing, but it won’t necessarily solve problems.
He explains: “The purpose of the database is essentially like registering cars or driving licences. In some ways, I think it’s a good thing. But will landlords be comfortable with it? I’m not sure, it depends on how the data is going to be shared, and what exactly is being shared.
“The database is being outsourced to a big software company, and I’m sure there will be mistakes. But will it work? Yes. Will it solve problems? Probably not. What it will do is consolidate everything in one place, showing whether the property has the right certification, and whether the landlord has any prosecutions. If it’s put together properly, it could be a good thing.
“However, not every landlord wants every tenant to know where they live, and how much data is going to be exposed is the key question.”
Des warns more landlords will leave the market, frightened by the new rules and regulations.
He says: “What’s happening now is they are bringing in rules and regulations that already exist but combining them together, making it easier for them to enforce which normally they would have taken to the Magistrates’ court – now they can just issue fines.
“That’s going to scare people away.”
However, he believes this change could present a big opportunity if landlords get it right.
Des explains: “I think more people are looking to leave the sector rather than invest. If you were trying to fill Wembley Stadium today and it was full, and people were leaving, but you had the chance to convince some of those leaving to give you their ticket to get in, that you could resell, you’d definitely be thinking opportunity, opportunity, opportunity.
“As more people leave, there’s less competition, so it’s a massive opportunity. But you have to get things together right, like your business plan, how to finance it, have a contingency plan, build a good team, and know how to manage it all together.”
Des warns that with these new rules and regulations, landlords will need to professionalise.
He says: “If you don’t know how to do all of those things yourself, you’ve got to get people who do. You need to be prepared to spend more money, take less margin, and be in it for the long term.”
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Member Since January 2025 - Comments: 91
3:15 PM, 5th June 2025, About 11 months ago
Sadly, Des, this is both an insightful and a deeply disheartening story. But the bigger question is: why continue in this sector at all? The private rental industry has become like a once-grand ocean liner, now slowly sinking. Each time a new leak appears, a patch-up team is sent in — but the ship is doomed. We’re not witnessing isolated damage; we’re witnessing the intentional dismantling of a sector.
This isn’t accidental decline. It’s state-orchestrated demolition — paving the way, in Labour’s vision, for a rebirth of the rental market under full state control to deliver their 1.5 million “new homes.” The strategy is clear: keep private landlords in place to absorb the risk and costs, while stripping them of autonomy and profit. In practice, landlords are becoming unpaid administrators of state housing policy.
Not even Karl Marx could have imagined such a precise, technocratic model of coerced collectivisation. But George Orwell warned us — in 1984, written in 1948 — and his words now feel eerily prescient:
“We are not content with negative obedience, nor even with the most abject submission. When you finally surrender to us, it must be of your own free will.”
This destruction is being carried out under the false banner of tenant rights — but in truth, it is pure voter manipulation. Successive governments have turned land and property owners into political scapegoats: first vilified to appease the dependency generation created by Labour, and now demonised to satisfy the entitlement culture fostered by the Conservatives.
Let’s be honest — good tenants vote with their wallets and can rent elsewhere. But this legislation isn’t about them. It’s about housing those who cannot afford to rent or buy on normal commercial terms. The state has a legal duty to house them — and rather than build, it burdens private landlords with the job, using regulation as the tool and taxation as the leash. That’s the intent. And we are only at the beginning.
We’ve seen this cycle before. The Rent Act of 1977 was the final nail in the coffin of the last private rented sector. What followed was a long, slow death — until the Housing Act of 1988 attempted a course correction through assured shortholds. Even then, it took over a decade for the support infrastructure to be rebuilt.
This is the trajectory we’re on again — a cycle economists call a doom loop:
A self-reinforcing downward spiral where each new intervention worsens the problem it claims to solve. More regulation drives landlords out. Fewer landlords mean fewer homes. The resulting crisis justifies more state intervention, which leads to more exits, higher rents, lower standards — and further decline.
And the latest turn of the screw? As the article on Property118 highlights, the Renters (Reform) Bill gives councils the power to profit directly from enforcement. Civil penalties issued against landlords no longer just serve justice — they fund the very bodies imposing them. The state has turned enforcement into a business model. Councils are now financially rewarded for punishing landlords. This is not oversight — it’s extraction.
Sadly, your lived experience reflects what I wrote about weeks ago:
“You seem to forget that property ownership in the UK is only ever notional. You don’t physically hold it, store it, or move it. Your proof of ownership is a digital entry at HM Land Registry — and with the stroke of a civil servant’s pen, that can be altered or removed.
Unlike gold, currency, art, crypto, shares or any other portable asset, you cannot wrap up your property and put it in a suitcase. You are chained to the government until the end of time. The state knows this — and exploits it.
The attack on property owners is no longer a warning — it’s a sustained, multi-pronged offensive. First came taxation. Then layers of regulation. Now we’re seeing the rise of punitive enforcement through arbitrary fines enabled by local bylaws. The latest absurdity? Landlords are being made responsible for their tenants’ recycling habits.
Debt is being weaponised. The government saddles property owners with unaffordable financial burdens — and when payments lapse, it moves in. You either pay to stay on the title register or you’re forced to sell. The next owner is no freer; they just step onto the same loaded merry-go-round. All the while, the government holds de facto security over your asset while pretending you’re in control.
And don’t think this is accidental. You are being compelled to maintain the property, compelled to keep it occupied, and if you don’t comply? Double, triple, even quadruple council tax is the punishment. The value transfer is silent but effective — from you to them — via a civil service paper trail that costs them nothing but could cost you your life’s work.
This isn’t reform. It’s expropriation by stealth. In Labour circles, it’s already been given a name: “Intelligent Nationalisation.” Their KPI? The number of landlord insolvencies registered.
And don’t think they’ll stop before they’ve broken the industry. They operate on the belief that they can do it better — as most spectators do. Once enough damage is done, they’ll either relax the taxes, regulations and fines to salvage what’s left of the existing operators — or they’ll hand it off to more compliant entities: institutional portfolios or local councils.
This mindset is no longer hidden. A Labour MP was recently overheard justifying planned inheritance tax changes affecting farmers with the words: “It’s only the land returning to the state.” If that’s what they’ll say in public, what do you think is said behind closed doors?
And now comes the next phase: redistribution by carbon budget. Under cover of climate policy, your home will be judged not only on its energy rating, but on how many people should live in it. Space standards, EPC certificates, voter rolls, NHS registrations — all will be cross-referenced. A “carbon occupancy budget” will be assigned. Any “under-occupied” home that doesn’t qualify for exemption will attract penalties. Those who can’t pay will see debt pile up — and when it reaches critical mass, the state will take control.
These mechanisms already exist. All they need is the political pretext to activate them.
This is not new. It happened before — in the housing legislation leading up to the Rent Act 1977, which decimated the private rental market. It took over a decade, until the Housing Act 1988 and the introduction of assured shortholds, to even begin to repair the damage.
A housing crisis is the trigger — and you can be certain it will be manufactured just in time for the next election. That’s when the government will promise the ‘entitled majority’ its share of redistributed homes, wrapped up in the promise of reaching its 1.5 million homes target.
This is not the time for silence. Property owners must unify, speak up, and push back — or watch an entire sector be quietly dismantled and handed over to state-friendly operators. The moment to act is now, before your deeds become just another line of code in the government’s property ledger.”
Member Since July 2017 - Comments: 462
10:15 AM, 6th June 2025, About 11 months ago
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